94,776,749 electors voted (82.2 percent of the voters), of which 6,975,128 annulled their votes and 2,873,203 left it blank. The amount of null and blank votes diminished when compared to 1998. Out of the 84,928,418 valid votes, 39,443,876 were for the Coalition Lula for President (46.4 percent) - more than twice the votes for the government's candidate, José Serra, with PSDB. The Opposition obtained 76.8 percent of the votes. An unequivocal manifestation of how discontent with the present government the population is. Lula won in all states except Rio de Janeiro, where Garotinho, with PSB, was the most voted; Ceará, where Ciro Gomes, with PPS, won; and Alagoas, the only state where Serra won. In percentage terms, the best results obtained by Lula were in Santa Catarina, Minas Gerais, Paraná (where Lula was never victorious in past elections) and Bahia.

As far as state disputes are concerned, 13 governments were defined on the first round. Three of them were won by PSB, two by PT and two by PPS. In the Federal District and the other states where there will be a runoff, the Opposition is present in 9, including states of great electoral concentration, such as São Paulo, Ceará, Rio Grande do Sul and Pará.

The first round was a great political battle. The option for the Opposition was remarkable. In the House of Representatives, PT is now the greatest party with 91 representatives; the opposing block is constituted by 193 representatives - and many representatives with parties that took part of the government's coalition may also join the progressive forces on positions and voting sessions held by the Congress. The progressive forces constitute 50 percent of the House of Representatives. On the other hand, the conservative forces, represented by PSDB, PFL, PMDB and PTB, lost 63 representatives. The two main losers were PFL, which had 106 and now has 84 representatives, and PSDB, which had 99 and now has 71. In the Senate, the alliance that supported the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso shortened from 68 to 52 senators. PMDB was the greatest loser, keeping 8 posts less, followed by PSDB, which kept five less, and PFL, which kept 1 less. On the other hand, PT doubled its ranks, which increased from 7 to 14 senators. PDT increased from 2 to 5 senators and PSB increased from 3 to 4. PPS maintained one post.

New political methods

We live a period of qualitative change. The vast majority voted for the Opposition. It is common sense in the streets that the government of Fernando Henrique has betrayed the people; it surrendered to the financial circles and left production aside; it showed disregard to social matters. Along with dissatisfaction with the directions chosen for the country, the demand for renovation of political methods also increases, a fact that was made clear by the elections. Along with the growth of the Opposition and the decline of the status quo, the defeat of several traditional conservative politicians was also noticeable. The media have diluted the dimensions of that change in order to preserve and back the government's candidate.

The national political situation is being shaken. The economic policies conducted by Cardoso's government have raised contradictions between the interests of the majority that believes in a fast and broad increase in the production and in the number of jobs on the one hand and, on the other hand, the minority that profits so much from the high interest rates and speculation concerning our currency, keeping close bonds with the dominant world financial circles. This "modern" contradiction within the system granted an objective margin for a political and social alliance constituted by workers, urban and rural business people, the middle class, intellectuals and the military. It is possible to gather broad forces around a national project and a new government focused on retaking growth, strengthening the domestic market, valuing labor and a granting greater participation of the people in national decisions.

PT became the main focus of the majority's increasing awareness and longings, granting the party and its main leader - Lula - the role of craftsmen skilled enough to accomplish a broad alliance in the search for a new era to Brazil. The result of the elections in this first round gives a new political dimension with unparalleled historical significance to PT and the left; Lula is the most voted for president candidate of the history of the country.

Craftsman of consensus

By the end of this first round of the elections of 2002, we consider the result of the present alliance to be beneficial to all parties constituting the Coalition Lula for President.

We understand that today our coalition has a greater political importance, since the achievement of a new national government under the leadership of Lula and PT - with the participation of PCdoB and other allies - became really tangible. At the same time, the political role of the left trends was intensified. Brazil may play an advanced role, emphasizing significantly the trend towards changing the single-sided, hegemonic and warmongering world order.

Victory in the runoff will be the consequence of the consolidation and intensification of the role of craftsman of consensus that Lula can play - he is the only candidate able to play this essential role for the necessary change. Lula represents a consensus for change towards a new era. In order to further this concentrative national political function, Lula must become more a Brazilian universal leader than simply a PT leader; he must wave the Brazilian flag higher, emphasizing the dimension of his consensual role beyond his party. Lula must be the interpreter of broad political trends and social segments.

The runoff is the continuation of the first round - only Serra would profit from saying the contrary, as well as only a government's candidate would be interested in discussing "only the future", forgetting the legacy of his party - greater foreign dependence, economic stagnation and deprivation of universal social rights for the vast majority - that president Fernando Henrique Cardoso leaves to the next president.

The expressive victory of Lula in the first round must be highlighted and appraised. The people voted against the present government's orientation; it voted for change. This contrast will inevitably be intensified until October 27.

The difference between Lula and Serra is in fact between change and continuity. It is not possible to spare the government, since it is responsible for the difficult situation being faced by the country and its people. Let us confront the modern right in the runoff. PSDB will wade into us. President Cardoso will make his best moves in order to save his candidate in this stage. His disguise of statesman beyond electoral disputes is being uncovered. This week his government announced the release of 1.577 billion reais (394 million dollars) of this year's expenses in order to buy support for his candidate.

The international capital also makes moves to assist Serra. In an editorial, the New York Times admitted that Lula obtained the vote of millions who were harmed by the "free-market reforms". The US newspaper wrote that "such an impoverished majority put Hugo Chávez into power in Venezuela and seems likely to be a major force in next year's Argentine presidential election." The daily newspaper alerts that the victory of Lula will not cheer the Bush administration, Brazil's foreign investors or the business community, since "his campaign made clear his continued opposition to many of the American-backed economic reforms Brazil has carried out in recent years as well as his sharp disagreement with Washington's policies on Cuba and Colombia." This is a warning sing and the "foreign investors", the "business community" and the US government itself, mentioned by the newspaper, will not passively watch the development of the electoral campaign.

The pressures, disturbances and blackmails presented by the global financial circles and the United States will take more sophisticated forms. But according to the result of the first round, the political power of Lula's candidacy has grown. It is possible to beguile or neutralize a significant part of the dominant class. It demands more unity and greater efforts by the parties that take part in the opposing alliance and the new supporting forces, such as the parties of Garotinho and Ciro.

In short, Lula's candidacy must unite all opposing forces and political sectors interested in a new direction in order to grant victory. Our flag is the one of change and Lula is the only candidate with objective conditions to gather Brazilians around a new project for a sovereign Brazil, a democratic country with development and social justice.

PCdoB will keep on making efforts to broaden the Lula for President front and will work for the creation of a vast electoral civic movement - we are all for Lula!

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